One of the important keys to noble/commoner roleplay is to remember not to carry attitudes over from real life. On Armageddon, the vast majority of Tuluki commoners, who live and die by the mercy of the Sun King, firmly believe that nobles are nobles because they're better. The same holds true for the nobles, who assume their privileged position is correct because they are of better blood and finer material than a commoner. This attitude is reinforced by their benefits: literacy, which acquires near-mystical dimensions in an illiterate society; vast wealth; social status; and freedom from most of the laws of the city.

With the somewhat recent struggles of the Tuluki people, the prevalent custom of bowing to nobles and templars has declined. During the occupation, many citizens of Gol Krathu were forced to bow to their oppressors. Most of these people only did so out of fear, rather than respect. Now that Tuluk is ruled by the servants of the Sun King, most Tuluki nobles and templars, while knowing full well that they are better than commoners, wouldn't usually feel the need to make people bow to them. They would consider it more respectful for a commoner to show their respect in a more productive manner, such as service to them or their respective house. While bowing isn't expected, it isn't necessarily considered a disrespectful act, either. But if a noble or templar feels that a person is insincere while bowing to them, trying only to curry favor with them, they may take offense (but may or not show it). The people that are usually bowing are servants or someone that is already serving that noble or templar in some capacity, these people are usually not total strangers.

Nobles do not have romantic or sexual relationships with commoners. It is unthinkable, and a monstrous violation of social protocols. Children of such alliances often become outcasts and vagabonds and their noble parent is severely reprimanded.

Such relationships are considered a social fax paus. The caste system in Tuluk has been in place for years and is a fundamental part of Tuluki society and culture. Such relationships are liabilities for the House. If word were to get out, it would damage not only the noble's reputation, which is bad in itself, but it would also damage the House's reputation.

However, due to the long period of Southern occupation in which the nobles faced obscurity or death, the relationship between the nobility and the common citizen has developed a much more amicable bond. It is not unheard of, nor is it frowned upon, for a noble to be seen in a tavern (though the selection of taverns are usually chosen to avoid the seedier elements) enjoying the company of the many commoners that inhabit such pubs.

The political landscape has shifted in other ways since the liberation. The noble houses, once pawns of the competing orders of the templarate - their vote insignificant against those of the King and templars - have become a force to bargain with. During the 66 years that passed between Tuluk's destruction and its rebirth, several of the venerable families labored to build foundations of new wealth from what they could salvage of the old. Eager to avoid attention from the occupying Naki forces, the cream of Old Tuluk's nobility dressed and lived as - and in fact were aided by - commoners. Over the years, a few families attracted small but loyal followings in secret sympathy. Others forged promises and alliances with the working class families who assisted them. When the time came for revolution, some former nobles rallied these partisans, as they had come to be called, and fought alongside (or behind, as some templars sneer) the Tuluki templarate and military in the war against the Allanaki oppressors.

To what extent the old families have upheld their promises to partisans since the war stands as a mystery to most templars; but it is clear that most of the houses have not only kept their partisans in service, but have begun to add to their number. In a new and distinctly Tuluki practice coming to be known as patronage, the enterprising noble attracts commoners with promises to relay their needs and political concerns to the noble faction for appeal to the Triumvirate. In a typical arrangement, the commoner will perform small services for the noble from time to time in exchange, but will not be pressed to join the ranks of the noble's servants (and will receive no wages). Patron-partisan relationships are, however, as varied as those who craft them. Although their basis is always political, they commonly cross into business, with a patron investing in partisan projects and receiving profit shares, discounts, or extended personal services. Other nobles build household staff around a slow stream of partisan recruits, assuming the latter is willing to sacrifice some of their wages for political representation. Some arrangements are fleeting, others life-binding. One patron can attract many partisans; however, a partisan that takes more than one patron suggests to each that their individual representation skills are less than ideal - a sentiment more wisely kept to oneself. Bards, however, may have more than one patron without such stigma and often do.

Although top templars have estimated that the nobility only act on half the concerns they receive from partisans, no one denies that the growing support of the working class for the noble houses is changing the political climate. In response, a few low-ranking templars have begun attracting (or coercing) commoners into partisan service as well. More importantly, however, various high-ranking templars have assumed similar relationships with representatives from the last factor in the power equation: the ancient Gol Krathu tribes that returned to fight for the rebellion.

The Hlum titles that were common in the Old City were dissolved during the initial rebuilding of Tuluk, but have been reinstated. Hlum titles are granted to the winners of the Grey Hunt, an event organized by the Lirathan Order.